nation-building, human security, governance, and international relations

Response

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Consequently, undocumented migrant workers, mainly in such critical sectors as construction, manufacturing and plantation, are not only unable to work for fear of being arrested, but also unable or unwilling to get tested for COVID-19, should they have symptoms or relevant travel history. Civil society organisations had warned earlier that the government's immigration raids instil fear among undocumented migrant workers, leading to their refusal to get tested for COVID-19 tested and were inhumane since many of these undocumented workers fast during the holy month of Ramadhan (Radzi Razak 2020). Besides, the detention of hundreds of vulnerable women and children put these vulnerable groups in a situation where social distancing is impossible. Thus, the immigration raids were counter-productive and hampered the prospects of a zero positive COVID-19 outcome. According to Key Informant (1), during the implementation of MCO (approximately between March and June 2020), several raids took place in his housing area in the middle of Kuala Lumpur. He said that the raids targeted undocumented migrant workers. However, migrants usully were arrested first, regardless of their immigration status. When the migrants arrived at a transit hall (before being sent to an immigration detention centre), the authorities determined whether they had valid documents. This process exposed the workers to a high risk of COVID-19 infection because of the high numbers of people being arrested and investigated, seated in crowded vehicles and processed in transit halls. This process instilled fear among migrant workers, including those with valid travel documents. 15 IKMAS WORKING PAPER 3/2020 Even workers with pas’ (meaning a valid passport and working pass) were scared. I was lucky because I wasn't at home when the two raids were conducted in my housing area. I was working at the construction site. When I returned home, some friends told me the police had arrested ‘pendatang’ (meaning ‘new arrivals,’ that is, the non- citizens, particularly the migrant workers) randomly. (Key Informant 1: A Bangladeshi worker; documented worker; construction sector; Kuala Lumpur) According to Key Informant (2), he was at home on leave when the May 2020 raid occurred. He was allowed to work four days a week because of physical distancing requirements at the construction site. Due to frequent checks near his accommodation, Key Informant (2) said he and his friends, although documented, were scared of leaving their house even for work. ‘Our supervisor is a good guy. He often comes to see us at our accommodations. Sometimes he sends us rice, oil and top up cards (meaning the cards to add value to prepaid mobile phone numbers to ensure continued usage of mobile phones). We told our supervisor about the frequent police checks but there was nothing much the supervisor could do. Supervisor just said to let him know if we got into trouble’. (Key Informant 2: An Indonesian worker; documented worker; construction sector; Kuala Lumpur) Immigration detention centres are becoming COVID-19 hotspots As of 25 May 2020, over 2,000 undocumented migrant workers had been arrested in several immigration raids and were detained at various immigration detention centres. This had led to a growing number of detainees in immigration detention centres, particularly those in the Klang Valley. The lack of physical distancing coupled with the existing poor health care systems and unhygienic practices in many detention centres (SUHAKAM 2020) increased the risk of COVID-19 outbreaks. It was not clear exactly how many undocumented migrants were arrested and detained throughout the country. However, the MOH reported that, as of 3 June 2020, about 4,908 samples had been taken at four detention centres, namely Bukit Jalil, Semenyih, Sepang and Putrajaya. From these four immigration detention centres alone, 465 positive COVID-19 cases were identified among non-citizens (MOH 2020). 16 ANDIKA WAHAB These included, by country of origin, 123 undocumented workers from India, 76 (Indonesia), 108 (Bangladesh), 66 (Myanmar), 45 (Pakistan), 18 (China), 7 (Sri Lanka), 5 (Nepal), 4 (Cambodia), 3 (Philippines), 2 (Egypt) and 4 (other countries). Significantly, as of 3 June 2020, the MOH reported that it still had more than one thousand samples which were awaiting results (see Table 3). This indicates that more cases of COVID-19 are likely to be found and suggests that immigration detention centres are becoming COVID-19 hotspots. Table 3: Number of Samples Taken, Awaiting Results and Positive COVID-19 Cases among Non-Citizens at Four Immigration Detention Centres, as of 3 June 2020 Immigration No. of Samples No. of Positive Cases Awaiting Results Detention Taken among Non-Citizens Bukit Jalil 1,545 338 1,175 Semenyih 1,785 65 0 Sepang 1,477 60 0 Putrajaya 101 2 0 Total 4,908 465 1,175 Source: Ministry of Health (MOH), Daily Status Update (Press Statement), as of 3 June 2020. It must be noted that none of the key informants interviewed were arrested and detained during the MCO. The key informants who are undocumented had no experience being stopped or investigated by the police or other authorities during the MCO. Key Informant (3) shared that he had been detained at the Semenyih detention centre, located in Selangor. He said: ‘You cannot expect good things at a detention centre. Everything is unsuitable for human beings, from the food to the treatment. When there are too many people in one cell, even breathing can be difficult. If you get sick, whatever sickness you have, there is only one medicine, Panadol (an over-the-counter analgesic for fever and muscle pain). If you ask me how the situation is now, I would say even worse. You see, thousands of people were arrested during this "Corona", where they put these people - it should be in detention. Just like me years ago’. (Key Informant 3: An Indonesian worker; undocumented worker; plantation sector; Selangor) 17 IKMAS WORKING PAPER 3/2020 Escalating COVID-19 cases among migrant workers As the overall number of COVID-19 cases declined (see Figure 4), the number of new COVID-19 cases among the non-citizens escalated tremendously. Initially, the MOH did not report the number of non-citizens infected with COVID-19 in its daily status update. However, after 7 May 2020, a week after the first immigration raid, the MOH began reporting the number of non-citizens infected with COVID-19. Though the MOH did not break down the group of non-citizens in its daily reporting, the vast majority of non-citizens infected with COVID-19 were migrant workers. From 7 May to 12 June 2020 (37 days), the number of non-citizens with COVID-19 rose significantly from 9 cases per day to 1,413 cases per day. This constitutes about 72 per cent of the total COVID-19 cases recorded during the same period (see Figure 5). To put it differently, more than 2 out of every 3 new COVID-19 infections recorded during this period were non-citizens. From early May 2020 to the drafting of this report (13 June 2020), a growing number of COVID-19 clusters emerged, involving different groups of migrant workers. These included, amongst others, four clusters at immigration detention centres at Bukit Jalil, Semenyih, Sepang and Putrajaya; the Pedas Linggi cluster announced on 2 May 2020; a cluster at a cleaning company announced on 29 May 2020; and several construction site clusters in Kuala Lumpur and Setia Alam (Selangor). The COVID-19 cases involving migrant workers in these clusters were among the 1,413 cases recorded among non-citizens as of 12 June 2020. Figure 2 Number of Active COVID-19 Cases, 25 February to 12 June 2020 Source: Ministry of Health (MOH), Updated Active Cases of COVID-19, 15 June 2020. Note: Total active cases mean total confirmed cases minus deaths and recoveries. 18 ANDIKA WAHAB From 7 May to 12 June 2020 Total Positive COVID-19 Cases: 1,974 No. of Positive COVID-19 Cases among Non-Citizens: 1,413 2.15 of every 3 infected persons are non-citizens Figure 3 Number of Positive COVID-19 Cases among Non-Citizens, from 7 May to 12 June 2020, Malaysia Source: Ministry of Health (MOH), Daily Status Update (Press Statement), from 7 May 2020 to 12 June 2020. Data was tabulated by the author. Key Informant (4) said it was disturbing to hear that more and more migrant workers were infected with COVID-19. When asked whether his friends were infected, the informant said he knew of only one friend infected with COVID-19. This friend lived in Negeri Sembilan (a state close to Selangor). ‘The thing is we are not updated about our friend's situation. The last time we heard from his supervisor, our friend had been sent to a hospital in Kuala Lumpur. After that we received no further update. We are of course worried about this situation among Indonesian workers because many of us are working during the Corona (meaning the MCO)’. (Key Informant 4: An Indonesian worker; undocumented worker; construction sector; Selangor) When asked what makes migrant workers more prone and vulnerable to COVID-19 infection, Key Informant (5) said, ‘the migrant workers’ lack of education and information about COVID-19’. 19 IKMAS WORKING PAPER 3/2020 ‘After the Corona came to Malaysia, many videos and text messages were shared randomly. These videos told stories about the Corona and how other countries, including Malaysia, have killed the virus. One video I remember said if we stay in the sunlight, the Corona will die. This message was shared widely among the community I know. And, people practiced it … including working … as planters we are exposed to sunlight. This encouraged many workers to work during the MCO, hoping not only to earn money but also to prevent COVID-19 infection. I do not know whether this is true’. (Key Informant 5: An Indonesian worker; documented worker; plantation sector; Selangor) Reduced or loss of income and risk of unemployment Before the Recovery Movement Control Order (RMCO) was introduced on 10 June, 2020, employers were instructed to reduce their workforce by 50 per cent or more, in accordance with the SOP in effect. Between the first MCO (18 March 2020) and the Conditional Movement Control Order (CMCO) on 9 June 2020, many workers, including migrants working as daily-wage earners and productivity-based workers (meaning workers who are paid based on productivity), were not permitted to work. Some were allowed to work for a certain number of days a month, while others were not allowed to work at all. This situation reduced these workers’ monthly income drastically, with some having no income for three consecutive months, especially those who were not permitted to work during the MCO. For migrant workers paid on an hourly basis and allowed to work, the reduced hours of business operations reduced their monthly income significantly. Given the already low monthly wages, the reduced number of working hours and days had significant financial implications. The migrant workers had difficulty paying for their own living expenses in Malaysia, much more remitting money to their families in their home countries. The Human Rights Commission of Malaysia (SUHAKAM 2020) reported that many migrant workers were not allowed to work by their employers and, at the same time, did not receive any communication from their employers after the MCO was introduced. 20 ANDIKA WAHAB The workers were in the dark about their employment status, and even more important, their immigration status since their working passes must renewed annually by their employers. This situation not only raises concerns about retrenchment but also the risk of losing their immigration status. Key Informant (6) stated that the MCO severely impacted his monthly income. Before COVID-19, he earned at least RM1,300 a month. He was able to remit at least RM500 a month to Indonesia. ‘During COVID-19, our boss didn't allow us (undocumented workers) to work. Only those with documents (meaning workers with valid passports and working passes) were allowed to work during the MCO. For the past 3 to 4 months, I have been unemployed and relied very much on other friends (documented workers) who were allowed to work. In this estate, all of us are "pajak" (meaning workers who are paid based on their productivity). If you work, then you have money. If you cannot work, it means you lose your income. During this period, I borrowed money from friends. Now I am paying them back slowly’. (Key Informant 6: An Indonesian worker; undocumented worker; plantation sector; Selangor) Another migrant worker, Key Informant (7) said that although he was still allowed to work, there were limitations. ‘I was only allowed to work 4 hours a day, between 3 and 4 days a week. We had to rotate among friends. The estate management said operation could not run 100% in terms of manpower. That's why we had to rotate. As a harvester, our salary is based on the amount of fruits we harvest every day. If we can only work four hours a day, our usual income is limited’. (Key Informant 7: An Indonesian worker; documented worker; plantation sector; Selangor) When asked whether his income fulfils the minimum wage of RM1050-RM1100, Key Informant (7) said it is impossible to earn the minimum wage if he worked four hours of work every day for less than four days a week. The employer did not top-up the earned wages to ensure the worker got their minimum wage. 21 IKMAS WORKING PAPER 3/2020 ‘In March 2020, my salary was just about RM500 and in April, it was RM600. Our estate manager was aware of this. As many of us could not go outside the plantation due to the MCO, our estate manager provided us with food supplies, cigarettes and petrol (in bottle) so that we could move around the estate’. (Key Informant 7: An Indonesian worker; documented worker; plantation sector; Selangor) Key Informant (8) said he had not worked from February to July 2020. He is technically unemployed or has been retrenched by his employer. ‘I was asked not to come to site (meaning the construction site) because our work had been stopped temporarily. I used to stay in kongsi (meaning the workers’ shared accommodations inside the construction site) but was asked to leave because there was a rumour of an immigration raid. In late March 2020, I moved to a friends’ house in Kuala Lumpur. Since then I have not heard anything from my employer. What worries me is that my passport will expire in September 2020. Now I do not have work and an employer to renew my work permit. The agent cannot renew my passport if there is no work and no employer. I want to return to Bangladesh but you know the cost is high. I need to work at least a few more years’. (Key Informant 8: A Bangladeshi worker; undocumented worker; construction sector; Kuala Lumpur) Lack of food supplies and at risk of hunger When access to food is scarce, there is a real risk of starvation among vulnerable migrant workers. Migrant workers face three scenarios regarding access to food. First, for many migrant workers, especially those living outside the city or in remote rural areas, their access to food supplies is limited by long hours of travel coupled with shortened hours of business operations in grocery shops and markets. While some migrant workers were able to purchase food supplies near their workplaces and accommodations, numerous reports indicated they had to pay excessive prices imposed by traders and local businesses (SUHAKAM 2020). 22 ANDIKA WAHAB Secondly, many migrant workers, especially those without proper travel and working documents, were afraid to leave their hiding places to obtain food supplies. While some humanitarian assistance (i.e., basic food and other daily supplies) were provided by civil society organisations and trade unions to undocumented migrant workers, these were inadequate (ILO 2020). Thirdly, for migrant workers living in areas under Enhanced Movement Control Orders (EMCO), food assistance could not be distributed to them. In these areas, SUHAKAM reported, aid, including food assistance, were channelled only through community leaders or head of villagers and distributed only to local people due to shortage of supplies (SUHAKAM 2020). Key Informant (9) stated that, from the first MCO in March 2020 to late May 2020, he and other Indonesian plantation workers could not leave their tiny kongsi house (or a shared house), located about 40 kilometres from the nearest town in Selangor. They were initially instructed by their employer to take unpaid leave due to the MCO, after which there was no income for about three months. The estate management did not provide food supplies to all Indonesian workers, the majority of which were undocumented workers from Lombok, Indonesia. As the workers did not have valid travel documents, they were afraid of leaving to obtain food supplies. The informant added that the estate company was a small estate company, hiring about 15 Indonesian workers. When asked whether he had a problem getting food supplies, Key Informant (9) said: ‘Actually, we were not in extreme hunger situation. Though our kongsi (meaning shared house) is located far from the nearest local villages and towns, we still had food supplies. There was a small river nearby where we fished; we also planted bananas and vegetables. What we needed was just rice and cigarettes and to be able to make phone calls to our families back home. These were not available. We contacted our estate management but they said they were not able to provide these supplies because they were also unable to move around.’ (Key Informant 9: An Indonesian worker; undocumented worker; plantation sector; Selangor) 23 IKMAS WORKING PAPER 3/2020 Key Informant (10) said that though he and many other Bangladeshi workers stayed near cities such as Kuala Lumpur, the strict implementation of MCO and frequent immigration raids made the workers vulnerable to arrest and detention, especially those without valid travel documents. Consequently, many of them were afraid to go outside to purchase daily supplies or to buy food. The fact that many of them lived in a crowded situation meant that food supplies were often inadequate. He added that an NGO provided them with food assistance once in May 2020. That was the first and the last time the informant and his friends received assistance. ‘We were lucky to receive this food assistance – a 10 kg pack of rice, 2 kg cooking oil and some other food supplies. However, this only lasted for 3 days. There were 12 of us staying in the same house. When we received the assistance, we were asked to give our contact details, but they didn't give us their contact information. We wanted to call to ask for additional food supplies but we didn’t have their phone number. Since MCO, our eating routine was only once a day, that is, at lunch time. We had to ration the food we had. In the middle of June 2020, we were instructed to return to work and that we would have the chance to buy food for lunch and take away for dinner. We were initially sceptical and afraid to go outside, after hearing the random arrests happening around us. But, at the same time, we could not stay in the house as food supplies were limited and we needed to work to send money home.’ (Key Informant 10: A Bangladeshi worker; undocumented worker; plantation sector; Selangor) Lack of physical distancing and unhygienic living conditions Migrant workers in Malaysia already live in precarious and overcrowded accommodations (for example, longhouses converted out of containers). They lack water and electricity and basic sanitary products (Glorene 2018). When forced to live under such conditions, these foreign workers are unable to practice physical distancing or maintain good hygiene. SUHAKAM (2020) reported that most migrant workers, primarily in the construction sector, lived in kongsi houses, with around 80 occupants living together. These overcrowded living conditions put migrant workers at higher risk of infection of COVID-19. 24 ANDIKA WAHAB The Malaysian government released several guidelines, based on selected industries such as construction, to assist employers (or contractors) to implement stringent procedures for the provision of workers' accommodation, transportation and daily COVID-19 testing routines for migrant workers staying outside the construction sites (for instance, see the SOP released by the Construction Industry Development Board (CIDB) 2020). However, these guidelines are not gazetted and are viewed merely as recommendations or advice which employers can choose to comply. In April 2020, the international media reported concerns regarding poor safety and health conditions at the workplace in the rubber glove industry in Malaysia. In an effort to meet increased global demand, rubber glove factories in Malaysia were allegedly ramping up production, while failing to protect their workers' health and safety. Workers were allegedly working in high heat in the factory, with inadequate PPEs provided (Dave Makichuk 2020). It was also reported that some rubber factories did not impose physical distancing, as advised by the government, and workers were housed in unhygienic workers’ dormitories and stood shoulder to shoulder in cramped spaces. Key Informant (11) stated that he stayed in a cabin-made-house right in the middle of a construction site in Kuala Lumpur. He lived together with about 100 workers from Indonesia, Bangladesh and Pakistan inside the construction site. ‘I live together with 9 other Indonesian colleagues in the same shared cabin. The cabin house is very small, about 20x20 feet. There is a shared kitchen outside our cabin and a shared toilet outside the cabin. There were no proper cooking facilities. We shared everything we had including glasses and plates and there was no proper piping system to get clean water. At night, we slept very close to one another.’ (Key Informant 11: An Indonesian worker; undocumented worker; construction sector; Kuala Lumpur) 25 IKMAS WORKING PAPER 3/2020 When asked whether he was aware of the SOP for physical distancing, he provided a basic understanding but expressed clearly the difficulties in implementing it, given the overcrowded housing conditions and inadequate sanitation facilities. Key Informant 11 said no person had been infected with COVID-19 at the construction site when the interview was conducted. Key Informant (12), an undocumented worker working and living in the same construction site as Key Informant (11), said that during lunch, everybody gathered in the kitchen area, sitting very close to each other and sharing plates. It was impossible to mind the distance among the workers. He added that the company had created internal SOPs for the workers to follow but the SOP only covered working hours and days. The SOP, he said, was not applicable in the housing area, although the housing area was located in the middle of the construction site. He added there was a clear border between the work site and housing area. Every time the workers entered the work site, there was a temperature check. But there was no temperature check when entering the housing area. Information and communication barriers Other issues faced by migrant workers in Malaysia are information and communication barriers. Many migrant workers are unable to read and understand English or the local languages, though some may be able to speak in basic English and the local languages. However, most if not all COVID-19 related informational materials are produced in either Bahasa Malaysia (local) or English, or both. These materials include advice on the prevention of COVID-19 and SOPs and are mostly produced and disseminated through media, including social media. As some migrant workers are not adequately literate in the local languages and are unable to access essential information, they are unaware of the precautions they should take, the risks they face and the risks they may pose to the public. Organizations such as the International Organization for Migration (IOM) (2020) in Malaysia have produced migrant health alerts in the migrant workers' native languages (e.g., Vietnamese). However, many migrant workers, particularly those working or living in peri-urban and remote areas, may not be able to access this useful information. 26 ANDIKA WAHAB Key Informant 13 (an Indonesian worker; documented worker; plantation sector; Selangor) reported he was unable to obtain detailed information about COVID-19. He knew about maintaining physical distance of about 2 meters, checking temperature regularly and using hand sanitizer. He said this information was provided by the estate management. While this information guided the workers’ daily interactions and activities with other workers and the management, they were unaware of what they should do if they found themselves or their friends having COVID-19 symptoms. When asked whether he had done a swab test for COVID-19, the informant was unaware this was needed. Instead, he asked who would pay for the cost of this swab test and where to get tested. Key Informant (14) reported he had only received information or news about COVID- 19 online or through WhatsApp. He said there was almost daily news about the spread of COVID-19 both in Malaysia and Indonesia. When asked whether the information and sources were valid, he replied that they did not check the origin of the news. He added that information through social media, including WhatsApp, could sometimes be obtained faster than the news. He added that information from the employer (estate management) was limited to what was happening in the estate. The workers were not informed of what was happening outside of the estate, much more the situation in Indonesia. Thus, the informant and his Indonesian colleagues relied very much on such sources as WhatsApp. ‘There was one time that we received information about the raid that would be conducted near the town where we worked. We didn't think of whether this was real or fake. For our own safety, we avoided leaving the plantation. My passport is valid until 2022 but my working permit expired a few months ago and could not be renewed due to the MCO. So better not to go out. It turned out that the news was real and many people were rounded up.’ (Key Informant 14: An Indonesian worker; documented worker; plantation sector; Selangor) 27 IKMAS WORKING PAPER 3/2020 Labour rights violations Incidences of labour rights violations and exploitation increased during the pandemic. SUHAKAM (2020) reported that some migrant workers were not paid their monthly salary even prior to the MCO, with some employers allegedly withholding the migrant workers’ salaries from February 2020, leaving the workers unable to meet basic needs and pay for their housing. Consequently, some workers were forced to move out from their rental houses or rooms to live in even more cramped living conditions with their fellow countrymen. The Malaysian Trade Union Congress (MTUC) reported that migrant workers from Nepal, Bangladesh and Myanmar were forced to live in cramped and squalid conditions in Selangor after their employers terminated their employment (ILO 2020). MTUC also received reports from migrant workers of such violations of labour rights as unfair termination of employment, unpaid wages and poor living conditions (ILO 2020). Some workers were allegedly required to work during MCO in non-essential work, while others faced uncertainty concerning their employment status due to limited communication with their employers. Key Informant (15) said he used to work at a palm oil estate located in Selangor as a harvester but left in early June 2020 as he had not been paid for almost six months. He said that during COVID-19, he was instructed by his contractor (his employer) to work in the estate but he had not been fairly compensated. ‘My former employer was a palm oil contractor, with contracts from palm oil companies to undertake work such as harvesting, loading and spraying in big plantations. During MCO the plantation was still in operation in order to fulfil demand from palm oil mills. So, I took the opportunity to work. My former employer promised to pay me on the first day of every new month but he has failed to do so since January 2020. I worked for my former employer for almost 5 years, from 2015. I trusted him and didn’t expect that he would cheat me’. (Key Informant 15: An Indonesian worker; undocumented worker; plantation sector; Selangor) 28 ANDIKA WAHAB Conclusion The lack of coordination and the inconsistency in the Malaysian government agencies’ approach to issues affecting migrant workers led to undesirable actions and negative consequences for the migrant workers. The COVID-19 pandemic has revealed the precariousness and vulnerabilities of migrant workers, whether from being excluded or from the unintended consequences of the government responses in the fight against the pandemic. The pandemic has further exacerbated the migrant workers’ lack of protection and exploitation by their employers. Thus, issues regarding the rights, welfare and safety of migrant workers should be remedied immediately. Current labour laws and policies to ensure the rights and well-being of migrant workers should be strengthened, as migrant workers will play a vital role in the re-opening of the economy. While we acknowledge the migrant workers’ immense contribution to the economy, this recognition should be manifested in the way we treat migrant workers in times when the economy is good, as well as when the economy is not doing well. 29 IKMAS WORKING PAPER 3/2020 References Adib Povera & Dawn Chan. (2020). CMCO to end, replaced with RMCO until Aug 31 [NSTTV]. New Straits Times. https://www.nst.com.my/news/nation/2020/06/598700/cmco- end%C2%A0replaced-rmco-until-aug-31 [25 June 2020]. Alyaa Alhadjri (2020). MEF insists gov't must bear costs for foreign workers’ COVID- 19 tests. Malaysiakini. https://www.malaysiakini.com/news/524157 [27 June 2020]. 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Older people are at highest risk from COVID-19, but all must act to prevent community spread (WHO statement). https://www.euro.who.int/en/health-topics/health-emergencies/coronavirus- COVID-19/statements/statement-older-people-are-at-highest-risk-from-COVID- 19,-but-all-must-act-to-prevent-community-spread [29 July 2020] Zsombor Peter (2020). US Bars Imports from Top Rubber Glove Maker Amid COVID Surge. Voice of America https://www.voanews.com/east-asia-pacific/us-bars- imports-top-rubber-glove-maker-amid-covid-surge [28 July 2020]. 39 IKMAS WORKING PAPER 2/2020 ! Guidelines for Submission of Manuscripts The Institute of Malaysian and International Studies (IKMAS) welcomes academic contributions to its Working Paper Series. While researchers, associates and visiting academics in the Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia (UKM) community are encouraged to publish in this Series, IKMAS also invites international contributors, especially affiliated researchers within the ASEAN countries as well as related agencies world- wide. The purpose of the Working Paper Series is to highlight the current research being undertaken by scholars pertaining to Malaysia, Southeast Asia, inclusive development, identity, nation-building, human security, governance, and international relations. It promotes the sharing of current research and provides a forum for critical review. A manuscript should not exceed 8,000 words. It should be double-spaced with one-inch margins on both sides and typed in 12-point Times New Roman. Please include an abstract of 200-300 words, 5-6 keywords for indexing, as well as author contact details and a short biography. Should you have any questions regarding the submission process or suitability of a paper, please contact a member of the editorial board: Chief Editor: Dr. Kuik Cheng-Chwee <kuik@ukm.edu.my> Members: Dr. Andika Wahab <andikawahab@ukm.edu.my> Dr. Hew Wai Weng <hewwaiweng@ukm.edu.my> Dr. Nor Izzatina Abdul Aziz <izzatina.aziz@ukm.edu.my> Dr. Tan Raan Hann <ranhan@ukm.edu.my> Mr. Mohd. Shaiful Ramze Endut <ramze@ukm.edu.my> Mr. Muhammad Faliq Abd Razak <faliqrazak@ukm.edu.my> ! 40 ANDIKA WAHAB Past IKMAS Working Papers No. Title Author Year 55. Elite Legitimation and The Kuik Cheng- 2020 Agency of the Host Country: Chwee Evidence from Laos, Malaysia, and Thailand’s BRI Engagement 54. Malaysia’s Direct Investment Sufian Jusoh 2020 Policy Post-Covid 19: An Early Analysis of Challenges and The Way Forward 53. Trade Policy and Trade Politics: Evan Rogerson 2017 Challenges of Economic Nationalism 52. One Belt One Road (OBOR) Abdul Rahman 2017 And Malaysia: A Long-Term Embong, Hans- Geopolitical Perspective Dieter Evers & Rashila Ramli 51. Field Report: Preliminary Haris Zuan 2016 Observations of Electoral Campaign in N.13 Batu Kitang, N.9 Padungan, N.8 Satok And N.19 Mambong During The 2016 Sarawak State Elections 50. The Development of Measures International 2016 and Institutional Operations to Institute for Trade Support Direct Investment in ASEAN Economic Community and Development, Of SMES Thailand 49. The Changing Landscape of Chen Li 2016 Higher Education in Malaysia and China 48.. Social Engineering in Rural Colin Barlow 2016 Development: Bottom-Up and Top-Down Approaches 41 IKMAS WORKING PAPER 3/2020 No. Title Author Year 47. India, United States and Baladas Ghoshal 2013 ASEAN: Consonance and Dissonance 46. Being ‘Indian’ in the French Renuga Devi- 2013 west Indies and Malaysia: Two Voisset Extreme Geo-Political Identity Models within the Spectrum of the ‘Old Indian’ Diaspora 45. Authoritative Control or Ayame Suzuki 2011 Binding Agreements? The Restriction of Political Freedom under Malaysia’s Constitution (Amendment) Act 1971 44. Impact of Development Policy Ragayah Haji Mat 2010 on Poverty Reduction in Zin ASEAN: A Comparative Study 43. New Sources of Growth in Tham Siew Yean 2007 Malaysia’s Service Sector: Prospects and Challenges in Travel Services 42. Migrants, Security and the State Sheila Nair 2006 in Southeast Asia 41. Urban Poverty and the Need Ragayah Haji Mat 2006 for Social Protection in Zin Malaysia 40. Hypermasculine War Games: Payal Banerjee & 2006 Triangulating US-India-China L.H.M. Ling 39. China and India: Challenges Ragayah Haji Mat 2006 and Opportunities for Poverty Zin Eradication and Moderating Inequality in Malaysia 42 ANDIKA WAHAB No. Title Author Year 38. Economic Development and Colin Barlow & 2006 Poverty Alleviation in Ria Gondowarsito Indonesia: The Case of Nusa Tenggara Timur 37. The Campus as Crucible: Meredith L. Weiss 2006 Student Activism in Singapore and Malay (SIA) 36. The Role of Universities in the Abdul Rahman 2005 Quest for Peace Embong 35. ASEAN China-US Relations Pan Yi-Ning 2004 after the Cold War-an Analysis of ASEAN’s Strategic Security Conceptions Towards Big Powers 34. Choosing the Future Science, Eugene B. 2004 Technology and Public Policy Skolnikoff 33. The Rumor of Trafficking: Diana Wong 2004 Border Controls, Illegal Migration and the Sovereignty of the Nation-State 32. The Meanings and The Petra Dannecker 2004 Nationalities Underlying Labor Migration from Bangladesh to Malaysia 31. Human Rights Discourses and Carolina Lopez C. 2004 Practices at The Global, State and Local Levels: Rights Narratives and Contestation in Malaysia and The Global Millieu 30. Southeast Asian Political Lee Poh Ping 2003 Relation with Japan from San Francisco Peace Treaty to the Fukuda Doctrine 43 IKMAS WORKING PAPER 3/2020 No. Title Author Year 29. The K-Economy Transition and Donna Turner 2003 the Politics of Labour Reform in Malaysia: Some Socio-Political Implications for Labour 28. ASEAN Economic Cooperation: Tham Siew Yean, 2003 AFTA and the Competitiveness Liew Chei-Siang & of the ASEAN 5 Andrew Kam Jia Yi 27. Cultural Authenticity and the Mohd Hazim 2003 Quest for Modern Science and Murad Technology: Problems, Dilemmas, and Prospects 26. Japan Response to Tham Siew Yean 2003 Globalization: The Case of Japanese Direct Investment 25. Economic Recovery and Ragayah Haji Mat 2003 Reforms in Post-Crisis Malaysia Zin 24. Governance of the World: WTO Tham Siew Yean 2003 and Implications on Industrial Development in ASEAN 23. The Asian Financial Crisis and Ragayah Haji Mat 2002 Its Impact on Poverty and Zin Inequality in Malaysia 22. Political Preferences and Bryan K. Ritchie 2001 Increasing Returns: The Boon and Bane of Technological Development in Southeast Asia 21. Prospect for Industrial Gary Gereffi 2001 Upgrading by Developing Countries in the Global Apparel Commodity Chain 44 ANDIKA WAHAB No. Title Author Year 20. Towards a Malaysian Hans-Dieter Evers 2001 Knowledge Society 19. Emerging Markets and Peter 2000 Towards a New International Nunnenkamp Financial Order 18. The Culture and Practice of Abdul Rahman 2000 Pluralism in Post-Independence Embong Malaysia 17. The Japanese Model and Lee Poh Ping 2000 Southeast Asian beyond the Asian Crisis 16. The Stock Market and Chin Kok Fay 1999 Economic Development in Malaysia 15. Political Careers of Mahathir John Funston 1998 Mohamad and Anwar Ibrahim 14. Protection, International Rokiah Alavi 1998 Competitiveness and Export Performance of Malaysian Industries 13. Enterprise Unions and Peter Wad 1997 Structural Change in Malaysia: Preliminary Research Findings 12. Enterprise and Productivity in Rajah Rasiah & 1997 the Manufacturing Sector: H. Osman-Rani Malaysia’s Experience 11. Electronic in Malaysia: The Michael H. Best 1997 Challenge of a Stalled Industrial Transition 45 IKMAS WORKING PAPER 3/2020 No. Title Author Year 10. Shari’a and the Citizenship Noraini Othman 1997 Rights of Women in a Modern Nation-State: Grounding Human Rights Arguments in Non-Western Cultural Terms 9. Technology Absorption and Suresh Narayanan 1997 Diffusion Among Local Supporting Firms in the Electronics Sector 8. The Growing Complexity of the Kit G. Machado 1997 East Asian Division of Labor: Implications for Regionalism and ASEAN Industrial Development 7. Explaining Asia-Pacific Pulp David A. 1997 Firms’ Adoption of Sonnenfeld Environmental Technologies Foreign Labour in Malaysian Chris Edwards 1997 Development: A Strategic Shift? 5. New Technologies and Maznah Mohamad 1996 Women’s Labour & Cecilia Ng 4. Malaysia’s National Innovation Rajah Rasiah 1996 System 3. Pekerja Asing di Malaysia Zulkifly Osman, 1996 H.Osman-Rani 2. Rent Management in Proton Rajah Rasiah 1996 1. Pendidikan Nasional ke Arah Noraini Othman, 1996 2020: Suatu Tinjauan Strategik Mohd. Yusof Kasim, H. Osman- Rani